Sobre la reduplicación pronominal

Abstract

The clitic-doubting (cl-db) phenomenon is discussed using data primarily from Spanish. The differences between accusative and dative cl-db are described; the former is highly restricted; the latter more generalized and unrestricted. It is assumed that clitics are argumental phrasal constituents; and that accusative and dative clitics are functionally distinct. The accusative receives structural case from the verb; but the dative is inherently endowed with case. In accusative cl-db the clitic is the only element case-marked; the doubling NP is caseless as its high semantic specificity guarantees an appropriate interpretation at LF. In dative cl-db; both elements; the clitic and the PP exhibit dative case ; the former inherently; the latter via the preposition. Datives are grouped into “inherent datives”; and “extraargumental datives”. The inherent dative clitic can he omitted; the extraargumental one is obligatory. The lexical properties of the dative clitic enables it to introduce an extra dative-PP argument; the clitic and this dative are thus interpreted as a copredicative chain in which the clitic and the PP agree in their case features. This property also explains the obligatoriness of extraargumental datives. With inherent datives the clitic contributes a [personal]; [affected]; semantic reading while its absence produces an impersonal; non-affected one; in this sense; neither the clitic nor the PP is superfluous; they from a coargumental chain.